The Struggle for Peace in Mozambique

by Cameron Ballantyne

A small boy waits in line to receive food from a foreign aid shipment that has just arrived in Maputo, the capital city of Mozambique. After being plagued with sixteen years of civil war, famine, poverty, and extreme suffering, Mozambique may resemble one of a dozen Somalia's on the African continent. However, there is one distinction for Mozambique versus Somalia; in Mozambique, there is hope.

Currently, Mozambique is in the middle of a peace agreement, upheld for over a year by all sides involved. The human suffering in this African country, twice the size of California, has been immense. According to "Current History" magazine, the war has displaced 5 million people, of whom 1.5 million have fled to different countries and 4 million have been displaced throughout Mozambique. The war has caused over 15 billion dollars ($US) damage to a country that was already dependent on foreign aid. These figures pale in comparison to the more than 1 million lives lost in this brutal conflict, many of whom, were innocent victims.

The reasons for the destruction and war are not uncommon. Over the course of the twentieth century, mankind has seen the rise and fall of strong countries and empires. The single biggest event was the fall of communism in Eastern European counties such as Romania, Bulgaria in the once impregnable Russian Empire. It is easy to understand similar reasons for the downfall of leftist Mozambique.

In each case, the decline was due to the ever-changing international political climate. A wave of democracy engulfed the world. People yearned for the fundamental right of freedom that we in North America take so much for granted.

When Mozambique was granted independence from Portugal in 1975, President Somora Michel established a socialist government. Land was nationalized and rights restricted, setting the grounds for conflict. Not long after the government was organized there was a resistance movement (RENAMO) put together to oppose the communist system, thus setting off a civil war. In 1986 at the height of fighting between the government and rebels, President Michel's airplane mysteriously exploded (with him in it). The matter was investigated, and South Africa (perhaps with U.S. support) was implicated in the disaster. Joaquin Chissano, who loosened ties with the Eastern Block and called for Western and United Nations support, replaced Michel.

Another critical factor, which contributed toward the downfall of Mozambique, was right wing South Africa. The South African government almost crippled the Mozambican economy with unilateral economic pressure and military raids. At the time, Mozambique was housing many ANC bases, and the survival of Mozambique's economy was dependent on the good will of South Africans.

There are optimistic signs in the current stable situation, a stark contrast to the former cruelty of the war. One reason for optimism is that on October 4, 1992, President Joaquin Chissano and Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) leader, Afonso Dh1akama, signed a General Agreement of Peace. The agreement has stood to this day with both sides making tremendous strides towards a peaceful resolution of the problem. The agreement followed ongoing talks had been convened since August 1989. From the onset, there had been mutual political recognition, making clear every political party's rights.

The warring factions took big steps toward peace themselves by sitting down to talks and agreeing to the October Peace Agreement. U.N relief efforts commenced in 1987, and since then, there have been a total of 7,500 peacekeeping troops and civilian police in the country. It's bewildering that when the U.N. finally did intervene, that they actually accomplished so little. Never a top priority for the U.N., the commitment in Mozambique has only really increased and become more effective in the past three years.

It is necessary to question the motives of the international community as a whole. Perhaps, the free world was so caught up in the wave of democracy that it would rather sacrifice a country than give the nation the crucial help needed. Maybe the free world preferred to let these people suffer and die, rather than risks helping a communist country get back on track. It is interesting to point out that the U.N. did not step up its commitment in Mozambique until the current government drafted a new constitution. This allowed for free speech, freedom of the press and a multi-party democracy as well as a transition to a free market economy with free elections, as agreed to in the peace agreement.

Why did the U.N not act as quickly as it did in Somalia and Cambodia to alleviate starvation and death? One may only wonder if Western powers found nothing other than a headache in Mozambique's desperate situation.

Since the Peace Agreement was signed, U.N. monitored missions in Mozambique have enlarged. Missions in Mozambique include - withdrawing foreign forces, assistance in the humanitarian and electoral process, and monitoring the demobilization process of both government and RENAMO forces. Slow foreign troop withdrawal and the arrival of U.N. forces has delayed the elections for another year. Aldo Ajello, the U.N. special envoy in Mozambique, will not support the electoral process until demilitarization has been completed.

This is a wise move fort the U.N. in this situation. A painful lesson was learned from the Angolan elections, which failed because UNITA's forces were still intact.

The Security Council must agree with Aldo Ajello, since they have placed the disarmament of all sides and the creation of a unified defense force as top priorities before the upcoming elections.

U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros Ghali, has established a relief fund for Mozambique, which has already accumulated 10 million dollars in donations ($US). However, Boutros-Ghali has said that the fund will require 559.6 million dollars ($US) to operate from May 1993 to April 1994. One must wonder when looking at such a large sum of money for an operation that lasts less than a year, is it feasible to expect so much money when economies all over the world are extremely hard-pressed?

The U.N. must be careful not to fall into the same trap as in Somalia. A relief plan for Mozambique cannot be used for simply bringing in food, but must also be accompanied by a well-planned social and economic development program. In Somalia, the U.N. and relief groups have continued to bring in truckload after truckload of food without careful planning. Farmers in Somalia are beginning to grow their own food, but can't sell any of it because it's impossible to compete with the free food being brought in. In this case, the U.N. without realizing it, has stunted the economic growth of Somalia. The U. N must be careful to not do the same to the people of Mozambique.

There may be hope on the horizon for the Mozambican economy. With a rapidly changing political climate in South Africa, Mozambique may have a chance to bolster its economy with a new trading partner. Clearly, the people of Mozambique have a good chance at succeeding with a future democratic government. The chance of this becoming a reality is promising with the change of the Mozambican constitution to allow freedom of speech and press, a multi-party democracy and the change to a free market economy.

If the Mozambique experience is to work, the U.N. must establish a thorough relief plan to support the efforts of the new government in order to build a healthy economy. Without the critical support of the first world nations to invest in the future of Mozambique, the transition to a free market economy and democracy will surely fail. This is a valuable lesson for the "free world". Emerging markets in Russia, the Ukraine and elsewhere are doomed without financial and infra-structural infusions. Alternately, as in Mozambique, blood will spill into the streets!


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