Ecuador: Crisis In Democracy

By Mary Velpel

 

                The recent abortive coup perpetrated by a coalition of mid-ranking military officers allied with indigenous protest groups calls into question the stability of democracy in Ecuador where military rule appears to remain an accepted political option.  According to some scholars of Latin American politics, the discrediting of authoritarian rule in the region improves the prospects of democracy.[1]  However, the Ecuadorian military’s progressive record of political and economic reform “has restrained the political learning that has occurred elsewhere, weakening the normative value attached to democracy.”[2] As Guillermo O’Donnell has suggested,[3] the positive perception of Ecuador’s past military regime colours the current popular support for military rule, as does the relative weakness of the present democratic government.  We will first compare Ecuador’s experience with military rule in the 1970s to its post-transition experience with democratic governance in order to understand the motivations for last year’s uprising.  We will also analyse the emergence of the indigenous protest movement as the locus of political opposition and its alliance with the military.  

                Third, Ecuador will be presented as a deviant case study, as defined by Arend Lijphart, as a case which problematizes the “established generalizations”[4] of Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan’s democratic consolidation theory.  While Ecuador fits the minimalist definition of an electoral democracy, the process of consolidation, whereby democracy comes to be respected as the legitimate political system by public consensus, does not appear to have occurred in the twenty-two years since the transition from military rule.  However, the failure of Ecuador’s democracy to meet the criteria of consolidation theory reveals neither why its indigenous people chose to ally with the military, nor why the majority of Ecuadorians supported the uprising’s objectives.  Consolidation theory treats these events as proof of non-consolidation, but cannot explain their origins.  I suggest that last year’s uprising can best be understood as symptomatic of the flaw at the heart of Ecuador’s troubled democracy, the differential treatment of citizens by the state.  While Ecuador’s citizens are formally equal before the law and for the purposes of political participation, widespread social and economic inequity undermines these rights.  In accordance with a liberal understanding of citizenship, democratic consolidation theory judges the social rights which are necessary to ensure the meaningful fulfilment of civil rights to be of secondary importance.  Indeed, in Linz and Stepan’s conception of democratic consolidation, a consolidated democracy need not ensure social and economic equity, as a highly socially and economically stratified society indicates a consolidated democracy of poor quality, not an unconsolidated democracy.[5]   Therefore, democratic consolidation theory does not account for the importance of social and economic equity in a democracy.  I will use the case of Ecuador to make problematic democratic consolidation theory’s foundation in a liberal conception of citizenship.

                An overview of the events of January of this year will serve as the starting point for this study.  On January 21, 2000, a month-long protest in the Ecuadorian capital of Quito culminated in the occupation of the national legislature by indigenous groups and peasants.  The occupation was provoked by President Jamil Mahuad’s plan to replace the Ecuadorian national currency, the sucre, with the American dollar.  While the immediate target of the protest was the monetary policy, the protesters’ larger goals were increased economic equity, investigations into rampant corruption and an end to the privatization of public enterprises.  These groups were expressing the desire of the majority of Ecuadorians to repeal devastating structural adjustment policies (SAPs), which have severely affected the standard of living of average Ecuadorians, while failing to address the problems of the Ecuadorian economy, which shrank by seven per cent in the last year, and had a sixty-five per cent rate of unemployment.[6]  The SAPs are reviled because they have impoverished many without righting Ecuador’s worst economic crisis in memory.  The Ecuadorian military moved to support the uprising, forcing Mahuad to step down in favour of a military junta on January 26.  This group of junior officers agreed to pursue the requests of the protestors.  One of the group’s leaders, Colonel Lucio Gutierrez, explained that the military “joined the Indians in their protest that contributed to the fall of the government...to say no more to vile corruption, which only increased the poverty of Ecuador's people.”[7]Available: www.radioproject.org/transcripts/0020.html  However, the coup ended as quickly as it had begun.  The next day, the junta succumbed to pressure from international financial institutions and the United States, and passed power back to the elected politicians:  former Vice President Gustavo Noboa was appointed to the presidency, at which point he announced his intention to follow through with the monetary policy.   

                Despite the failure of the coup to result in any political change, it served as a grave warning of the state of democracy in Ecuador.  While the protestors were motivated by economic hardship, they were also responding to the perceived inadequacies of the democratic system.  Ostensibly, Ecuador meets the basic requirements of Dahl’s minimalist definition of polyarchy,[8] as it is a regime where citizens can frame and express their political preferences through a free press, the right to vote in free and fair elections, the right to compete for public office and the right to organize.  Nevertheless, this procedural portrait of Ecuadorian democracy does not provide a complete understanding of its limitations.  The elected legislature is excluded from the economic decision-making process, which is dominated by the executive branch and its technocratic advisory teams.  In addition, many members of the legislature either do not abide by their party allegiances or contravene their election platforms, subverting the representative function of the party system.  Moreover, while all Ecuadorian citizens are guaranteed the right to vote and thus express their political preferences, their formal, civil rights are often undermined by the stratification of Ecuadorian society along the lines of class and ethnicity.  As Allison Brysk notes, in the Ecuadorian case, “citizenship is not equal or meaningful when access to state services depends on residence, colour, class, language, and literacy.”[9] 

                The formation of the peculiar coalition of the military and the indigenous peasantry represents an extension of Ecuador’s conflicting historical experiences with military and civilian rule.  During the military dictatorship in the early 1970s, the armed forces proved to be more developmentalist than previous elected governments.  Even after democratization, the military has remained highly involved in rural development.  In contrast, the democratic, civilian regime was founded on neoliberal principles by the country’s business elites, whose interests diverge from those of the general population.  As a result, the economic reform and the attending retraction of the state’s ability to supplement civil rights with social rights has undermined the strength of democracy.  As Anita Isaacs presciently noted in 1993, “military dictatorship, associated with relative economic prosperity and minimal repression, remains a viable political alternative in Ecuador.”[10]  Therefore, this paper will begin by exploring the reasons why many Ecuadorians retain their “authoritarian nostalgia,”[11] by comparing the achievements of the military regime of the 1970s to those of the post-transition democratic governments, in order to better understand the current political unrest.  Then, we will turn to the question of how this popular dissatisfaction with democracy reflects on the democratic consolidation literature.

               

                To explain Ecuador’s present economic and political problems, it is vital to understand its process of economic development.  Ecuador’s economy has followed the pattern of boom and bust cycles characteristic of single commodity export economies, as its fortunes first tracked the ups and downs of the market for raw cacao, and then bananas.[12]  The third, and most significant, boom and bust cycle Ecuador would endure began with oil exploration ventures in 1967.  Unlike the other booms, the state was able to directly harness the oil wealth via the formation of a public corporation, rather than simply passively receiving tax revenues from private investors.[13] Preferring not to entrust these new riches to an unpredictable, populist, civilian government, the Ecuadorian military assumed power in 1972, under the dictatorship of General Guillermo Rodriguez Lara, with reformist objectives in mind.  This progressive approach was informed by the Ecuadorian military’s interpretation of national security doctrine.  The military understood leftist-inspired insurgencies to be the product of underdevelopment, resulting from foreign ownership, unequal land distribution and inept government.  In order to preempt leftist dissent, the military sought to become the protector of the interests of the disadvantaged.  Apolitical, military rule was considered necessary to implement the needed reforms.[14] 

                Reform led in three directions:  the nationalization of the oil industry, the modernization of the urban economy through industrialization and the modernization of the rural economy through the redistribution of property.  First, the regime sought to control the oil industry by demanding that all contracts signed by former governments with foreign companies be renegotiated, and by joining the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1973.  Many foreign firms chose to pull out of Ecuador, rather than confront the government, leaving the public oil corporation to exploit the bulk of the deposits.[15]  The military government then directed these oil revenues to its reformist project.

                As part of these reforms, the regime attempted to hasten Ecuador’s late entry into the ranks of industrial economies with a policy of import substitution industrialization.  This policy stimulated urban employment, and helped to encourage the growth of a nascent middle class.[16]  It also moved to reform land distribution.  The huasipungo system of indigenous and mestizo serf labour had been abolished in 1964, but peasants still lacked land, and in many cases were worse off without the benefits traditionally entitled to tenants.[17]  The military government created the Ecuadorian Institute for Land Reform and Colonization (IERAC) to redistribute land to the peasantry, and oil money was directed to the construction of rural infrastructure.  The military government rode the wave of oil profits, and its policies did improve the standard of living for poor Ecuadorians.  Between 1960 and 1980, life expectancy increased by ten years, and infant mortality dropped by forty per cent.[18] 

                However, the three-pronged reform agenda of oil industry nationalization, industrialization and land redistribution, eventually sputtered.  First, the attempt to control foreign investment in the oil industry failed as the multinationals fled Ecuador for more hospitable locations.  The national corporation did not have the resources to initiate exploration, so output stagnated.[19]  Thus, the state controlled oil industry could not generate revenues sufficient to maintain government programs.  Second, the capital intensive strategy pursued by the country’s industrialists required large imports of machinery, leading to a substantial foreign debt.[20]  Third, the investment of oil wealth was skewed to urban areas, leaving IERAC underfunded and ineffectual: only three per cent of Ecuador’s arable land was permanently redistributed during this period.[21]  To summarize, the military’s efforts to use the oil profits to improve the situation of Ecuador’s poor, while well-intentioned, had little real impact.  

                Notably, these reformist policies did succeed in sparking elite disapproval, as the business class loathed the nationalist oil policies which scared off foreign investment, the limitation of imports and state involvement in industry.[22]  The rural elite also refused to surrender to land reform, and their apprehension regarding potential threats to private property rights was shared by wealthy urban exporters.[23]   Although business leaders were discontented with the military’s policy direction, they were more frustrated by the style of military governance.  Business leaders found themselves shut out of the economic decision-making process under the military government, as the military employed technocrats to generate policies, in keeping with their apolitical philosophy.  Hence, the business class could not influence government to change what it perceived to be inappropriate economic policies.  Thus, Ecuador’s business elite pressured the military to hand over power to a civilian, democratically-elected government in hopes of gaining more access to economic policy formulation.[24]  Faced with vocal challenges from these powerful groups, Rodriguez Lara agreed in 1976 to cede authority to a military triumvirate which would in turn oversee the transition to democratic governance.

                Although the Rodriguez Lara regime may have attempted to implement inclusive economic policies, it was largely unconcerned with increasing political participation.[25] The regime had been tolerant of limited political opposition, even advocating the expansion of unions, while refusing to engage in the human rights abuses that were systematic elsewhere in Latin America at the time.  However, political reform was not part of the progressive agenda until the transition period.   Under the triumvirate’s supervision, the military turned its attention to crafting a progressive political system to match its economic agenda.  Three commissions of civil society actors, including academics, were enlisted to draft a new constitution.[26]  The most significant change to pre-military democratic institutions brought about by the 1978 Constitution was the lifting of strict literacy requirements, which extended the franchise significantly.  In fact, prior to the first post-transition presidential election in 1979, no more than eighteen per cent of the population had ever voted.[27]  This reform,  in conjunction with widespread registration drives, caused the size of the electorate to double between 1979 and 1988.[28] Wary as the elites were of extending the franchise in this manner, they agreed, understanding that any party which advocated restricting the suffrage would likely be punished at the polls.[29]  Hence, it was the outgoing military regime, and not the civilian elite advocates of democracy, which insisted on creating a polyarchical system in Ecuador.  This commitment to political and economic reform marked the military in the eyes of many as an ally against elite domination and a supporter of development, as it “assumed the role that had been played by a democratically elected populist leadership elsewhere.”[30]  It would be the experience of neoliberal democracy which would cement this impression.

                From the first, the post-transition democratic governments were troubled, saddled with pressing economic problems.  Throughout the 1970s, the military regime had accumulated a large debt, first to finance industrialization, then to import food when growth in the agricultural sector stagnated.  Foreign financial institutions had been happy to lend to Ecuador, eyeing its oil wealth.  When oil prices dropped precipitously in the early 1980s, Ecuador was left unable to repay these loans.[31]   The civilian governments had little choice but to enact IMF-directed SAPs, opening the oil industry up to foreign ownership, devaluing the sucre and cutting price subsidies.  These policies did not pull Ecuador out of its oil-bust-induced recession, and eight different economic plans were introduced between 1982 and 1988.[32]  The democratic governments were unfortunate enough to come to power at a time when critical economic problems required politically unpopular solutions.

                While these SAPs did little to foster economic growth, they did impoverish many already at the margins of the Ecuadorian economy.  The repeated currency devaluations, combined with the halting of price subsidies, caused spikes in inflation which dramatically reduced the purchasing power of the lower classes.  The plight of the working class was exacerbated by the partial transfer of the costs for services to the population through user fees for schooling and health care.[33]  Thus, it was the urban lower and working classes, which had grown throughout the 1970s in response to the industrialization policies, price controls and subsidies, that were the most vulnerable to the effects of the SAPs.[34]  The small middle class also struggled, as the retraction of the state’s administrative role reduced employment opportunities.[35]  Many men were forced to accept casual labour in the informal sector without benefits or security.[36]   However, women bore a greater burden, as they had to maintain the household with their reproductive work while earning an income outside it to supplement the family budget.[37]  Urban households suffered dramatically due to the structural adjustment restrictions, but rural areas were also affected by the reduction of state investment in rural infrastructure.   Desperate to hold on to their small plots of land and their peasant identity, many campesinos migrated temporarily to the city to seek work in the informal sector to supplement their subsistence agriculture.  The lack of stable employment in the urban areas discouraged permanent settlement: ten per cent of urban workers commuted daily from farms to the city.[38]  Moreover, land redistribution, the route to economic security for many landless peasants, stalled with drastic cutbacks to the administration of IERAC: the land-titling agency’s staff was cut from 2 000 to 400 in 1994.[39]  Thus, the majority of Ecuadorians are adversely affected by SAPs, including the urban poor, the middle class and the peasantry. 

                The state of the economy reflected poorly on the performance of the democratic governments, but the greatest threat to democracy’s legitimacy in Ecuador was the lack of effective representation.  Power was concentrated in the executive branch of the government, leaving Congress largely excluded from the economic decision-making process.  In addition, the ability of the legislature to represent voters and render the executive accountable was hampered by an incoherent party system.  The crisis of representation combined with economic hardship under the democratic governments of the 1980s and 1990s led to disenchantment with democracy in principle, invoking nostalgia for the previous military regime.  For many Ecuadorians, the futility of political participation under democratic rule rendered the government as inaccessible as it had been under the military regime.   

                The crisis of representation in Ecuador is evident in the concentration of decision-making power in the executive branch.  This isolation of economic decision-making from political debate is a legacy of the military regime which attempted to insulate it from the popular pressures which the military believed to be the source of previous policy mistakes. While monetary policy has generally been outside the political arena even in established Western democracies, the lack of accountability for economic decisions is extensive in Ecuador.[40]  Indeed, Ecuador exemplifies O’Donnell’s conception of “delegative democracy.”  As O’Donnell describes, the president of Ecuador relies on the advice of teams of unelected economic advisors, or técnios, whose expertise is never open to dispute in the legislature.[41]  The elected members of Congress are considered either incapable of understanding the technical intricacies of economic policy or too politically motivated to appreciate its implications.  The técnios of Ecuador view all politicians as “voracious rent-seekers” who need to be denied input in essentially “apolitical” decisions.[42]  The “apolitical” character of the technocratic teams is reinforced by their tendency to switch party alliances with each election:  Ecuador’s political leadership changes but the economic advisors remain constant.[43]  Furthermore, according to the Ecuadorian conception of executive leadership, the president has been elected directly by the people to represent their best interests, so he should be unhindered by interference by the legislature in his efforts to implement the plans of the técnios.  The domain of economic policy is considered too important to be subject to public debate, because the necessary measures must be implemented unmodified regardless of their unpopularity, in order to be effective.  The more unpopular the agenda, the more the president tries to isolate the technocratic team from political interference.[44]  Indeed, the Ecuadorian constitution allows the president to sign any bill into law which is considered to be of “urgent” importance which Congress is reluctant to confirm, an article which is used to maintain exclusive executive control over economic decision-making and shield the president’s technocratic advisors from political criticism.  Many of the SAPs have been enacted under this legislation.  For example, President Léon Febres Cordero decreed twenty-six urgent economic decrees during his four year administration.[45]  By portraying Congress as an impediment to governance, the president is able to exclude popular representatives from decision-making.  Interestingly enough, the business leaders who initiated democratization in Ecuador in hopes of gaining more access to the decision-making process have also become frustrated with the isolation of the técnios from political interest groups.  For as much as these elites have supported the retraction of the state under neo-liberalism, often they would prefer to negotiate the modification of some of the SAPs, as the pure logic of economic models employed by the técnios runs contrary to the practicalities of the business world.[46]  While the business class remains frustrated by its exclusion from decision-making, elites retain more influence than those on the economic margins, for whom these policies have profound implications.  The dearth of transparency and accountability at the executive level confounds the principle of democratic representation for the Ecuadorian public, engendering dissatisfaction with democratic governance. 


                However, the concentration of power in the executive branch is not entirely due to Ecuador’s political institutions. Catherine Conaghan and James Malloy note that “while extensive powers were ascribed to each president in the constitution, presidential power was not simply an artifact of the legal structure...Presidents worked actively to enhance their power, especially to neutralize Congress as a potential site of opposition to their programs.”[47] To discourage dissension by Congress members, especially its most disruptive form, the interpellation of cabinet ministers, the president would induce desertion from the opposing party line through patronage awards.[48]  The president’s need to acquire support from the legislature is complemented by the members’ need for patronage resources and plums to dole out to their constituency client networks, the accepted means of linking the public to the state in Ecuador.[49]  The patron-client relationship has become especially prevalent with the growth of the urban, informal sector of the economy that has been associated with structural adjustment, as the populace needs the protection from the police, the legal representation and the infrastructure extensions which only a politician patron can provide when the state itself has withdrawn from these functions.[50]  Thus, the lures of patronage proffered by the president are enticing for Congress members, allowing for the concentration of power in the executive branch. The silencing of effective opposition with selective incentives removes an important check on presidential power.    Weber’s insight, as paraphrased by O’Donnell, that “institutions deprived of real power and responsibility tend to act in ways that seem to confirm the reasons adduced for this deprivation,”[51] is a telling description of the functioning of the Ecuadorian Congress.  Ecuador’s political parties, whose representative function has been undermined in the Congress by executive power and technocratic decision-making, have become largely insignificant institutions.[52]  Excluded from the discussion of economic policy, parties have ceased to serve as effective representatives.  The party system is chaotic and fractured, characterized by frequent switching of allegiances and inconsistent platforms, fostering disillusionment amongst voters.[53]  

                Some of the problems within the party system stem from the transition period.  The military-appointed commissions recommended that the new constitution include measures to limit the rise of personalist, populist political forces, which were considered incompatible with Ecuador’s new, progressive system.  In order to prevent the emergence of independent demagogues, all candidates for Congress and the presidency had to be associated with a party approved by an electoral oversight committee.  However, this provision resulted in the creation of sham parties to act as vehicles for ambitious politicians, and rivalries over leadership and patronage distribution led to schisms.  Consequently, the number of parties exploded, with 23 new parties being recognized officially between 1978 and 1992, making for a divided and ineffective Congress.[54]  Exacerbating this fractiousness is the phenomenon of camisetazo, the switching of party loyalties by politicians as though they were tee-shirts.  Politicians change parties in order to disassociate themselves with unpopular economic policies (for the ruling party is usually blamed for the failure of economic policies it had no hand in crafting) or to gain more patronage resources, a practice which undermines the representative function of the party system.[55]   Moreover, politicians actively dissimulate during election campaigns, running on platforms which are completely opposite to the policies they intend to enact upon election.  Aware that the electorate is likely to vote for whichever candidate can distance himself the furthest from the policies of his predecessor, candidates will purposely disguise their intentions, renouncing structural adjustment whilst recruiting a new team of orthodox técnios.[56]  Thus, politicians have become discredited in the eyes of voters, disgracing democratic governance.[57]  As a statement by coup leader Gutierrez indicates, disappointment with politicians translates into disappointment with the system in general.

In Ecuador democracy has been reduced to elections, the candidates deceive the people with all manner of promises that they never fulfill. Once the candidates get into power they forget about the people, and they use their power for their own personal benefit. That's not democracy. So that is what we were fighting against, against that pseudo-democracy.[58]

 

This frustration and disillusionment with the lack of representation in the electoral system first manifested itself in a widely heeded boycott of the 1992 elections led by the indigenous protest movement, the Confederation of Indigenous Nations of Ecuador (CONAIE),[59] and again in the January uprising.

                The weakness of the party system, combined with the concentration of power in the hands of the president and his technocratic advisors, has created a crisis of representation, which has undermined the legitimacy of democracy in Ecuador.  The popular discontentment engendered by the economic upheaval associated with the SAPs has been compounded by the perceived failure of democracy to include the public.  Ecuador’s political system has evolved into what Conaghan calls a “‘democratic-authoritarian’ hybrid that combines electioneering in a public sphere with a privatization of economic policy-making.”[60]  The economic degeneration alone did not create the popular disenchantment with democracy; the subversion of the political process and the lack of accountability for the destructive economic policies to those who were worst-affected has discouraged faith in democratic governance.  Ecuador’s negative experience with neoliberal, democratic government contrasts sharply with the relative prosperity of the military regime.

                This disillusionment with conventional political parties and the democratic system has led to the emergence outside the conventional political system of an influential indigenous protest movement as the most active opposition group in Ecuadorian society.  The indigenous movement has become the locus for opposition to the ruling government, as it vocally objects to the SAPs and the erosion of democracy as part of its wider program of indigenous rights.  Although indigenous peoples make up approximately 37.5 per cent of the population,[61] the Ecuadorian state is still reluctant to fully acknowledge its “pluricultural” heritage, preferring to construct the notion of a homogenized mestizo nation.[62]  The indigenous movement’s struggle to achieve citizenship rights which account for their ethnic difference coincides with the struggle for greater political participation and recognition by the population as a whole.  The indigenous movement has stepped into the void left by the absence of a mass-based political party and middle class leadership.  Such alternative loci of power were stymied by the years of political exclusion under the literacy requirements for the franchise.[63] Moreover, even if such a political party were to exist, its impact would be limited by the aforementioned constraints on effective representation within the democratic system.  The appearance of the indigenous movement as the only coherent channel for popular opposition is thus linked to the crisis of representation within Ecuador’s democracy.

                The indigenous movement is so vigorous and well-organized in Ecuador for several reasons.  First, solidarity amongst varying tribes has been generated by the sharing of a common language, Quichua, which was originally imposed as a lingua franca by early Catholic missionaries seeking to facilitate the spread of Christianity.[64]  Second, a large proportion of the original indigenous population survived colonization, partly because of the inaccessibility of their homelands in the Amazonian jungle and the Andean highlands.  The concentration of indigenous communities in certain areas of Ecuador has helped to induce political mobilization, especially with the dismantling of the traditional rural power structures with land reform.[65]  Third, a new generation of publicly educated leaders has combined traditional values with modern political knowledge to form these new advocacy organizations.  As the mission statement of CONAIE expounds, these groups “guarantee the indigenous people the political voice that has too long been denied them.”[66]  The indigenous movement is constituted of loosely affiliated, autonomous groups representing different segments of the indigenous population.   Although each of these various organizations has its own specific focus, they are united by their focus on indigenous identity and by their insistence on their independence from the state and the party system. 

                CONAIE, the largest and most influential of these organizations, initiated the January uprising, but it drew upon the support of a variety of other indigenous organizations, including peasant unions, evangelical Christian missions, and tribal federations from deep within the Amazon.[67]  The diversity of indigenous experiences and needs is reflected in the plurality of organizations.   Nevertheless, these groups have come together repeatedly to exercise their combined influence to lobby the state for greater recognition of indigenous issues and more recently for wider issues of economic equity and democratic representation.  The first unified protest took place in 1990, and was aimed at the detrimental effects of SAPs, including cut-backs to administrative organs for land redistribution and irrigation access,  and skyrocketing inflation.  Although this protest was not acknowledged by the government, it helped to galvanize the movement through experience with explicitly political participation. Other uprisings to protest structural adjustment and exclusion from government followed in 1994 and 1997, and the indigenous groups gradually acquired broader support from mestizo campesinos, students, the urban poor and leftists.  Since the 1997 uprising, CONAIE has become an integral part of any social mobilization and is regularly consulted by opposition groups.[68]   Although 61 per cent of Ecuadorians are considered to be urbanized,[69] connections between urban organizations and the rurally based indigenous movement is facilitated by the close links which city-dwellers retain to their rural origins.  Thus, the indigenous movement has been able to create linkages with other groups within Ecuadorian society, and has risen to the forefront of political opposition.

                The indigenous movement has even formed a political party to express its agenda in Congress.  CONAIE has served as the backbone of the Pachakutic party.  This party’s platform is intended to appeal to a wider segment of Ecuador’s electorate, as it is critical of both the government’s SAPs and the diminution of representative input in the political process.  While Pachakutic has succeeded in electing 6 of 121 Congress members,[70] and 15 of 200 canton mayors,[71]available: http://perso:club-internet.fr/lipietz/CD/CD_Bolivar.html its impact has been limited by the crisis of representation within the political system.  Faced with this blockage within the system, the indigenous movement chose to work outside it.  The widespread popular support for this decision is demonstrated by public opinion surveys which found that 71 per cent of all Ecuadorians agreed with the January occupation of the Congress.  This support for the indigenous movement signifies the reduced legitimacy of the democratic system.  Clearly, as the only coherent and mobilized opposition force in Ecuadorian politics, the indigenous movement has served as the focal point for dissension.  Middle and lower class Ecuadorians are drawn to this non-violent movement which speaks for their interests when government is unresponsive due to its undermined representative function.[72]  The indigenous movement originated in a struggle for protection of its “ancestral space,”[73] and has evolved into a conduit for popular dissent.

                The ad hoc alliance between the indigenous protest movement and the military is consistent with the military’s traditional understanding of its role in Ecuadorian society, as the “radical/reformist vanguard that would...protect national and popular interests.”[74]  Thus, the officers felt obliged to intervene in support of the popular opposition to what they too perceived to be a corrupt and unjust government.  This logic is expressed by Gutierrez, who accounted for the officers’ participation in the coup with the rationale that “the military must defend the people, as well as maintaining its integrity and territorial sovereignty.  We believe that the armed forces are justified in taking measures to defend the people.”[75]  This interpretation of the military’s political and social role is consonant with the developmentalist doctrine which Ecuador’s military institutions articulate.  The Institute for Advanced National Studies, an arm of the military college, has formulated a doctrine for the armed forces which lists “extreme poverty, hunger, unemployment and racial distrust” to be the primary threats to national security.[76]  Indeed, the military’s duty to participate in social and economic development was enshrined in the 1978 Constitution.[77]   In accordance with this doctrine, the military response to previous uprisings has been involvement in civic action programs.  In particular, the 1990 uprising spurred the military to increase the interaction of over five hundred of its rural garrisons with local communities, involving soldiers in the construction of schools and public works.[78] 

                The credibility of the military’s developmentalist rhetoric is enhanced by its excellent record of respect for human rights.  In fact, it was the civilian police under the democradura administration of President Febres Cordero which committed human rights abuses in the mid-1980s.[79]  To show their disapproval of these violations, a small group of Air Force officers “detained” Febres Cordero for several days in 1987 to encourage him to halt his repressive tactics.[80]  This respect for human rights, in combination with its progressive approach, has earned the military the trust of opposition groups, including the indigenous movement.  For instance, in its mission statement, the Federation of Indigenous Peoples and Campesinos of Imbabura (FICI), one of the many smaller organizations affiliated with CONAIE, recognizes the military as the primary protector of the popular interest: “we make the Armed Forces ...responsible for the life and the physical integrity of our National, Provincial and Local leaders.”[81]Available: http://fici.nativeweb.org/docs/uprising_13jan00.html  When confronted with clear popular opposition to the democratically elected regime, the military chose to perform its duty as protector of the popular interest, with the acceptance of a citizenry disabused of its faith in democracy, and nostalgic for the relative prosperity associated with military rule. 

                  Furthermore, the junior officers who collaborated with the indigenous leaders shared their socio-economic perspective, as the composition of the military mirrors the stratification of Ecuadorian society.  The rank and file of the military is constituted almost exclusively of indigenous and mestizo conscripts, enhancing the military’s identification with the protest movement.[82]  However, the senior leadership is comprised of commissioned officers, those who voluntarily chose a military career and had the resources to attend military college,[83] a characterization which suggests more tenuous ties to the indigenous movement.  This tension between the conservative senior leadership and the more radical junior officers was exposed during the coup, as the junior officers were obliged to step down at the behest of the senior leadership, which was more mindful of the threat of international financial ostracism.[84]  Hence, the military is not a unitary actor, and the conflicts between the junior officers and the senior leadership cannot be understood without acknowledging that the military is an institution embedded within Ecuadorian society, and that it exhibits the same class and ethnic divisions.[85]  The alliance of the military and the indigenous movement is a function of this socio-economic dynamic.

                The alliance of opposition forces and the military bespeaks the grave state of democracy in Ecuador, suggesting that the process of democratic consolidation was not occurring.  In order to judge the applicability of the concept of consolidation to the Ecuadorian context, it is important to first explicate the tenets of the theory. Linz and Stepan, the principal contributors[86] to this literature, consider democracy to be consolidated once it is accepted as “the only game in town,” meaning that democracy has come to be respected as the only legitimate political system by popular consensus.[87]  This acceptance of democracy is most easily achieved in an internationally recognized state where: civil society is active; the rule of law is paramount; a “political society” constituted of parties, a legislature and electoral processes is established; a bureaucracy functions to sustain the state; and an “economic society” is formed by state involvement in the economy.[88]  The success of the consolidation process is also dependent in part on the previous regime type, as the prospects of consolidation are affected by the form of transition the state experienced.[89]  International forces also play an important role in determining the success of the consolidation, as pressure to democratize from powerful allies, and the worldwide trend towards democratization (what Linz and Stepan label the democratic “zeitgeist”), both encourage a successful transition.[90]  Linz and Stepan also assert that economic crises affect non-democratic regimes more than they do democracies, as dissatisfied citizens are assured of their ability to change the direction of the economy in the next election.  By the same token, if the democracy is perceived as ineffectual in the face of economic crises, its legitimacy will be called into question.  Hence, the collapse of democracies confronted with economic problems is due to inherent political problems, not economic instability.[91] 

                According to this definition, Ecuador is not a consolidated democracy, as the January uprising demonstrates that the primary indication of consolidation, the acceptance of democracy as “the only game in town,” is not present in Ecuador.  In a consolidated democratic regime, an economic and political crisis such as the one Ecuador experienced in January should suggest constitutional solutions, not military intervention. There is no consensus amongst Ecuadorians that democracy is preferable to military rule.  Indeed, J. Samuel Fitch proposes that Ecuador presents the “worst case scenario” for the reform of civil-military relations that is required for democratic consolidation because military rule remains a viable political option and the military has not relinquished its role as political arbiter.[92]  As indicated by democratic consolidation theory, the impact of the transition period has been lasting.  The military ceded political control to the disgruntled business elites at its own prerogative, not due to any collapse, so it was able to dictate the terms of transition, enshrining in the constitution its duty to act as a political and social guardian.  Moreover, Ecuador’s “political society” is fractured and unstable, with an abundance of unrepresentative parties in an ineffectual legislature.[93] Ecuador exhibits “the deep and continuous confrontation and ambivalence about democratic institutions” which indicates a failure to consolidate.[94]  Thus, it appears as though Ecuador can be understood as an unconsolidated democracy within the conceptual framework of democratic consolidation theory.

                However, this teleological characterization of Ecuador’s troubled democracy as stalled in the midst of an inevitable process of consolidation, only considers the symptoms of a more essential problem.  Democratic consolidation theory can only point to the institutionalization of the military’s role during the transition to explain why military rule remains a politically viable option.  It also sheds little light on the failure of the majority of Ecuadorians to accept democracy as “the only game in town,” as demonstrated by the support expressed for the choice of the alliance of the military and the indigenous movement to act outside the democratic system.  The fundamental deficiency of Ecuadorian democracy is the stratification of citizenship, a problem which is unaddressed by democratic consolidation theory.  Notably, Ecuador has been described as “a democracy without citizens.”[95]  The question of differential citizenship is unaddressed by democratic consolidation theory because one of its key assumptions is a liberal conception of citizenship.  This implicit assumption is apparent in Linz and Stepan’s position that social and economic inequality is compatible with the notion of democratic consolidation, as inequity indicates a consolidated democracy of poor quality, not an unconsolidated democracy.[96]  Therefore, social and economic equity is not integral to the consolidation of democracy.

                According to this liberal conception of citizenship, for the purposes of political participation, all citizens are equals before the state.  Differentials in social and economic status are “bracketed” so that all citizens can participate “‘as if’ they were social equals.”[97]  This liberal remedy to the dilemma of social and economic inequity does not resolve the underlying status differentials.[98]  This liberal definition is problematic for two reasons.  First, it ignores the impact of social and economic inequity on the full achievement of civil rights.  Without the protection of social rights, civil rights cannot be fully achieved.[99]  Second, the masking of social and economic inequity homogenizes, creating a “false ‘we’” and an unrepresentative unified public interest.[100]  The recent uprising in Ecuador can best be understood as a challenge to this conception of citizenship, for it is these two main problems which ensure the fragility of Ecuadorian democracy and the popular readiness to accept military rule.

                The liberal conception of citizenship is largely a formality in Ecuador, as the state has failed to provide the social rights to substantiate its citizens’ civil rights.  For instance, substantial barriers to equality for all before the law continue to exist, undermining a fundamental civil right.  In rural areas, judicial facilities are often inaccessible, concentrated as they are in far off urban centres.  Moreover, the lack of free legal representation, translators and ombudsmen puts judicial remedies beyond the reach of indigenous and campesino petitioners.[101]  In addition, the rule of law does not extend into the informal sector, where much of Ecuador’s business interaction takes place.[102]  Chronic underfunding of bilingual education facilities exacerbates the problem of indigenous illiteracy, reinforcing a barrier to effective political participation.[103]  While the lack of social rights has a direct impact on the realization of civil rights, it also reinforces the system of patron-client relationships which O’Donnell identifies as symptomatic of poorly functioning democracies.[104]  In the words of Carlos de la Torre, “the schizophrenic coexistence of universal rights in the solemn declarations of the state and the lack of implementation of these same rights in everyday life explain why the poor search for a benefactor.”[105]  The refusal of Ecuador’s liberal democratic state to adequately provide for the social rights of citizenship undermines its guarantee of civil rights.  Thus, the opposition’s struggle to end the structural adjustment process which has limited the redistributive role of the state is best understood as a demand for the substantiation of civil rights with social rights.  The acceptance of military rule is directly related to this discourse of substantiated citizenship, for it is the perception that the military was more accommodating of social rights that drives popular authoritarian nostalgia.  It appears as though Ecuadorians prefer the protection of social rights and economic security to unfulfilled promises of civil rights. 

                The liberal conception of citizenship is particularly inadequate for Ecuador’s indigenous peoples, as its tendency to deny difference marginalizes indigenous citizens.  According to state discourse, all Ecuadorians are mestizo, a doctrine which denies the distinct character of indigenous citizens: “‘true’ citizens were not Indians.”[106]  This approach to citizenship does not consider the particularity of indigenous needs and demands.  For instance, it was not until recently that the necessity of bilingual education or translators within government agencies was acknowledged.[107]  Only after concerted protests by the indigenous movement in 1998 did the state recognize the “plurinational and pluricultural” nature of its domain.[108]   Although the previous military regime also ignored the need for particularized consideration of indigenous concerns, its corporate approach allowed for the extension of social rights to entire rural communities through the establishment of “peasant unions.” Under democratization, the corporatist notion of political participation has been eliminated and replaced by the liberal notion of individual interaction with the state.  But this discourse of individual civil rights rings hollow for the indigenous community, as the state cannot extend its reach to the rural hinterlands to guarantee these civil rights.[109]  This homogenized conception of citizenship has only reinforced the indigenous community’s position at the bottom of Ecuadorian society: “poverty is not politically neutral” as it has been “concentrated in areas of conflictual ethnicity, landlessness, and political exclusion.”[110]

                While the indigenous movement has succeeded drawing attention to the plight of indigenous citizens through its protests, and has even negotiated the extension of communal territory, it has yet to achieve its ultimate goal of autonomous jurisdiction over its communities.  For the indigenous movement, the homogenizing and thus impoverishing influence of the state will only be ameliorated through the recognition that “differentiated citizenship should coincide with differentiated administrative boundaries.”  This objective need not entail separatism, but requires recognition by the state that it can accommodate many nations.[111]  The creation of an alternative public sphere[112] where indigenous difference is recognized will help to overcome the disempowerment associated with the homogenizing liberal notion of citizenship adhered to by the Ecuadorian state.

                An analysis of Ecuador’s troubled democracy seems to indicate that democratic consolidation theory is an insufficient explanation of the crisis of democracy in Ecuador, as it does not address the Ecuadorian state’s problematic understanding of citizenship.  Ecuador’s liberal democratic state has proven itself incapable of protecting its citizens’ civil rights by substantiating them with social rights.  In addition, democracy suffers from the contrast with the previous military regime, with its comparatively greater concern with social and economic development.  As a result, anti-democratic sentiment flourishes, expressed in the widespread support for the indigenous movement’s alliance with the military during last year’s protests against economic hardship and political exclusion.  Denied access to economic policy-making by the concentration of executive power and the weakness of the party system, popular acceptance for democracy has waned.  Recognizing that the existing political framework is exclusionary, opposition has been channelled through the indigenous protest movement which works outside the institutional framework.  Thus, the case of Ecuador calls into question the value of democratic theories which focus exclusively on formal institutions or which are predicated on the assumption of liberal citizenship.  The citizens of Ecuador are unable to fully enjoy the civil rights entailed in democracy because of rampant social and economic inequity.  This observation regarding the inapplicability of liberal concepts of citizenship to the case of Ecuador has important implications for democratic theory.  The basis of democratic consolidation theory on liberal citizenship results in an idealized model of democracy with little analytical relevance in contexts where citizenship rights are systematically undermined, as in Ecuador and throughout the rest of the Third World.

 

 

NOTES



[1]  Kurt von Mettenheim and James Malloy, “Conclusion,” in Kurt von Mettenheim and James Malloy, eds., in Deepening Democracy in Latin America (Pittsburgh, PA: U of Pittsburgh P, 1998), 176, and Guillermo O’Donnell, “Transitions, Continuities and Paradoxes,”  in Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O’Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, eds.,  Issues in Democratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective (Notre Dame, IN: U of Notre Dame P, 1992), 20.

[2]Anita Isaacs, Military Rule and Transition in Ecuador, 1972-1992 (Pittsburgh, PA: U of Pittsburgh P, 1993), 137.

[3]O’Donnell, “Transitions, Continuities and Paradoxes,” 35.

[4]Arend Lijphart, “Comparative Politics and Comparative Method,” American Political Science Review 65 (1971): 692.

[5]Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1996), 6.

[6]Catherine Elton, “Jungle Fever,” New Republic (7 February 2000), 14.

[7]“A Popular Uprising: A Look at Ecuador’s Coup,” host Phillip Babitch, Making Contact, National Radio Project, Oakland, CA, 17 May 2000. 

 

[8]Robert A. Dahl, Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven, CT: Yale UP, 1971), 3.

[9]Alison Brysk, From Tribal Village to Global Village: Indian Rights and International Relations in Latin America (Stanford: Stanford UP, 2000), 285.

[10]Isaacs, 143.

[11]Ibid., 137.

[12]Wendy Weiss, “Debt and Devaluation: The Burden on Ecuador’s Popular Class,” Latin American Perspectives 24 (1997), 14.

[13]Catherine M. Conaghan, Restructuring Domination: Industrialists and the State in Ecuador (Pittsburgh, PA: U of Pittsburgh P, 1988), 47.

[14] J. Samuel Fitch, The Armed Forces and Democracy in Latin America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1998), 15-16.

[15]Jeanne A. K. Hey, Theories of Dependent Foreign Policy and the Case of Ecuador in the 1980s (Athens, OH: Ohio University Centre for International Studies, 1995), 89.

[16]Carlos Larrea and Liisa L. North, “Ecuador: adjustment policy impacts on truncated development and democratisation,”  Third World Quarterly 18 (1997): 919.

[17]Tanya Korovkin, “Indigenous Peasant Struggles and the Capitalist Modernization of Agriculture:  Chimborazo, 1964-1991,” Latin American Perspectives 24 (1997),  28.

[18]Caroline E. Moser, “Adjustment from Below: Low-Income Women, Time and the Triple Role in Guayaquil, Ecuador,” in Sarah A. Radcliffe and Sallie Westwood, eds., ‘Viva.’ Women and Popular Protest in Latin America (London: Routledge, 1993), 177.

[19]Hey, 90.

[20]Larrea and North, 919.

[21]Korovkin, 28. 

[22]Conaghan, Restructuring Domination, 114.

[23]Korovkin, 28.

[24]Conaghan, “Capitalists, Technocrats and Politicians: Economic Policy Making and Democracy in the Central Andes,” in Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O’Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, eds., Issues in Democratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective (Notre Dame, IN: U of Notre Dame P, 1992), 199.

[25]Catherine M. Conaghan and James M. Malloy, Unsettling Statecraft: Democracy and                 Neoliberalism in the Central Andes (Pittsburgh, PA: U of Pittsburgh P, 1994), 207.

[26]Carlos de la Torre, Populist Seduction in Latin America: The Ecuadorian Experience (Athens, OH: Ohio UP, 2000), 83-85.

[27]Conaghan, Restructuring Domination, 124. 

[28]de la Torre, 85.

[29]In her seminal survey study of elite attitudes, Catherine Conaghan found that 51 per cent of the respondents opposed removing the literacy requirements, as illiterates were considered “incapable of making competent electoral decisions.” See, Restructuring Domination, 67.

[30]Isaacs, 58.

[31]Weiss, 11.

[32]Moser, 178.

[33]Ibid., 180-184.

[34]Weiss, 27.

[35]Conaghan and Malloy, 230.

[36]William F. Waters, “The Road of Many Returns: Rural Bases of the Informal Urban Economy in Ecuador,”  Latin American Perspectives 24 (1997), 52.

[37]Kathryn Pitkin and Ritha Bedoya, “Women’s Multiple Roles in Economic Crisis: Constraints and Adaptations,” Latin American Perspectives 24 (1997): 46.

[38]Waters, 55-56.

[39]Brysk, 110.

[40]Conaghan and Malloy, 213.

[41]O’Donnell, “Delegative Democracy,” in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds.,  The Global Resurgence of Democracy, 2nd ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1996), 99.

[42]Conaghan and Malloy, 213-214.

[43]Susan Stokes, “Democracy and the Limits of Popular Sovereignty in South America,” in Joseph Tulchin and Bernice Romero, eds., The Consolidation of Democracy in Latin America  (Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner, 1995), 76.

[44]O’Donnell, “Delegative,” 99-100.

[45]Conaghan and Malloy, 145-146.

[46]Conaghan, “Capitalists, Technocrats and Politicians,” 200.

[47]Conaghan and Malloy, 159.

[48]Ibid., 147.

[49]de la Torre, 107.